Please call, fax, or mail a letter to President Bush asking him to reconsider this dangerous U.S. policy of condemning Israel for defending its citizens by specifically targeting known terrorists.

The White House
1600 Pennsylvania Avenue NW
Washington, DC 20500

Phone: 202-456-1414
Fax: 202-456-2461

Below is a sample letter. You can use the first paragraph as a script for a phone call. Fax or mail your own message, or simply send this one.

Dear Mr. President,

I am dismayed that the State Department continues to condemn Israel's attacks against terrorist leaders and terrorist headquarters as "excessive," "reprehensible" and "highly provocative." To criticize Israel for defending the lives of Jews sends a signal to the terrorists that we think the murder of Jewish people should not be forcefully prevented. I ask you to reconsider this very dangerous position.

I enclose a letter that a Jerusalem Post columnist thinks Areil Sharon should send to you. It spells out the situation most clearly.

Sincerely,

From the Jerusalem Post:

Dear George,

When we first met as leaders of our respective nations, we made a deal: no
surprises. In the spirit of that agreement, I must be frank: your policy of evenhandedness is making my policy of restraint untenable.

I know that media reports you are seeing might give the impression that Tuesday's Israeli operation signals the end of Israeli restraint. As you know, however, we are still a far cry from all-out conflict with the Palestinians, let alone a regional war. Neither Israel, nor the Palestinians, has used more than a fraction of the forces at our disposal.

I would like to prevent a further escalation of this conflict as much as you do; I dare say even more. But as an admirer of Churchill (I read your comments about him a few days ago in England), you must understand that the attacks against Israel cannot be ended by appeasement, which can only lay the groundwork for the next war.

I believe that you also understand that the Palestinians are trying to force Israel
into negotiating under fire. Israel's refusal to negotiate under fire is not just a matter of stubbornness or following the message sent by the voters' overwhelming rejection of my predecessor's policy in the last election. Negotiating under fire means that killing Israelis is an acceptable part of negotiations and the peace process. The United States would never consider sending such a message; Israel cannot as well.

I understand that you are under pressure from friends in Europe and the Arab world to work more actively to prevent a further deterioration of the conflict. Our strategic goal is the exactly the same. The US, Egypt, Saudi Arabia, Jordan, and Israel all want the same thing:  for this conflict to end and for negotiations to resume. From day one, Israel has wanted to return to the negotiating table and certainly to prevent escalation. I still believe that this can be done but not without some level of strategic coordination between us. I need your help to prevent the escalation - or war - that only Saddam Hussein and Yasser Arafat want.

With all due respect, the only way I can interpret the constant American criticism of Israeli defensive actions is that Israel must tolerate a daily barrage of shootings, bombings and mortar attacks. No Israeli prime minister could consider
such a thing, and I certainly will not. It should be no surprise that this US approach has failed - both because Israel cannot be expected to stop defending itself, but because the Palestinians are only encouraged by the US refusal to back Israel.

You should not think that I do not appreciate the important actions that you have taken in the right direction - first and foremost your courageous veto of the UN Security Council resolution on observers in March, and your refusal to invite Arafat to the White House. But there is another part to the equation that is missing and will continue to lead US policy to failure until it is corrected.

Blocking Arafat in the Security Council and from the White House were critical steps, but Arafat will not get the message that violence is futile until the US backs Israel's right to self-defense.

I am sad to say that the G-8 foreign ministers' statement backing "third-party monitors," coupled with your administration's recent condemnations of Israel, send strong signals to Arafat that he is on the right track - the strongest signals
since Arafat's offensive began almost a year ago. Israeli acceptance of monitors, American or otherwise, will not solve the problem.

The problem is the notion that Arafat can be paid to end violence. My government has exercised incredible restraint under the circumstances, but our restraint has not been rewarded by US, let alone European support for the limited defensive measures we have taken. I cannot justify to myself or the public continuing
this policy while the international community refuses to demand absolute effort (let alone absolute results) from Arafat.

I know that when you say that the United States is a great friend of Israel and committed to our nation's security, you are not just paying lip service. But when a friend is under attack, what is needed is support, not neutrality, and certainly not opposition to that friend's legitimate measures of self-defense. I do not need convincing that the key to quiet is a combination of diplomatic and military means. By not giving me diplomatic support, however, you leave only military means at my disposal. There should be no mystery here: The more Arafat
is encouraged by US criticism of Israel, the less ability or reason I have to maintain restraint.

Sincerely, Ariel

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GENERAL POINTS WHEN WRITING A LETTER:

* do not use inflammatory or abusive language;
* be specific, positive, and professional;
* let your points do the talking;

* letters sent by postal mail are the most effective; faxes are next; emails are last;

* when possible, instead of criticizing, ask for a correction or future coverage of your points;
* don't accept a brush-off; follow up until you have achieved your objective